Como es del conocimiento público, el presidente Álvaro Colom decidió no sancionar ni vetar el Decreto No. 71-2008 del Congreso, mediante el cual se crea el denominado Fondo de Petróleo (Fonpetrol) y se posibilita la ampliación de los plazos de contratos petroleros.
elEditorial
Como es del conocimiento público, el presidente Álvaro Colom decidió no sancionar ni vetar el Decreto No. 71-2008 del Congreso, mediante el cual se crea el denominado Fondo de Petróleo (Fonpetrol) y se posibilita la ampliación de los plazos de contratos petroleros.
Colom se lavó las manos a pesar que, según él, nunca estuvo de acuerdo con incluir dentro de la misma ley la creación de Fonpetrol con la autorización para ampliar contratos petroleros. De conformidad con la Constitución, el Presidente de la República, de cara a un decreto aprobado por el Congreso, solamente tiene dos opciones:
1) Sancionar, mediante su firma, la ley y luego ordenar su publicación en el diario oficial; o 2) Vetar la ley, o sea vedar o impedir la promulgación de una ley. Por tanto, el Presidente de la República debe optar por una u otra, y no puede abstenerse de optar por una u otra opción. En nuestra opinión, si el Presidente no opta por sancionar o vetar el respectivo decreto, sino que deja transcurrir el plazo de 15 días que le marca la Constitución sin optar, incurre en el delito de incumplimiento de deberes tipificado en el Artículo 419 del Código Penal, el cual dispone que: El funcionario o empleado público que omitiere, rehusare hacer o retardare algún acto propio de su función o cargo será sancionado con prisión de uno a tres años.
Por supuesto, la Constitución, con el objeto de que no se interrumpa el proceso de formación de las leyes, dispone que, en caso de que el Presidente no sancione ni vete dentro del plazo de 15 días de recibido el respectivo decreto legislativo, este se debe tener por sancionado y el Congreso debe ordenar su publicación en el diario oficial dentro del plazo de ocho días. Sin embargo, esta tácita reconducción constitucional no releva al Presidente de la República de su obligación de sancionar o vetar las leyes.
En conclusión, el presidente Colom, al no sancionar ni vetar el Decreto No. 71-2008 del Congreso, podría haber incurrido en el delito de incumplimiento de deberes, por lo que el Ministerio Público debe tomar cartas en el asunto, para los efectos del antejuicio correspondiente.
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2 comentarios:
cuellar jose: (2008-12-23 16:16:15 horas)
Que trizteza para Guatemala. El Presidente Colóm tuvo en sus manos un mejor destino. Debió haber vetado el 71-2008. El costo políto será enorme. El no sancionarlo ni vetarlo, tácitamente lo aprobó. Lástima por no habernos escuchado y acopiarse de toda la información técnica disponible sobre lo lesivo de la explotación petrolera.
toribio xecula: (2008-12-23 07:54:36 horas)
Stakes Are High
Today, gang members are in the cross hairs.
Operating under names like the Avenging Angels and the Justice Makers, hired hitmen called sicarios have changed the calculus of risk within which the gangs operate. There was a time when shootouts between gang members were the greatest threat. But today, it's not the same.
"For example, the sicarios killed the father of my son because he had tattoos," says a 17-year-old former gang member, tearfully. "I've had other friends riding in buses, and perhaps someone gets on and pulls out a gun and kills him right there, without another thought. Lots of us have left the gangs. We don't want to return to that life. We're trying to do better. They should support us and not shoot us like animals."
Social cleansing has become so prevalent in Guatemala today that young people with no connection to gangs say it's become dangerous to look even mildly iconoclastic.
"If you have tattoos, you're a gang member and they'll threaten you. They'll say, 'You're going to end up dead.' The police tell you this, too. Social cleansing is a fact," says Edgar Alvarez, a 23-year-old university student who wears his hair in a bushy ponytail — and has had his tattoos removed.
Social cleansing has also become a lucrative business.
Two sicarios who give their names as Christian and Roberto agree to an interview in a popular shopping mall in Guatemala City. The setting is jarring: The two assassins sit nervously at a table inside a pizza parlor, while outside the restaurant, a man in a Santa Claus outfit shouts "ho ho ho!" and poses for pictures with toddlers on his lap.
"Look, we do it for the money and because we're friends," says Roberto. "They know us. A store owner tells me, 'Look buddy, some people are f— with us, they're asking me for money.' I say, 'We can do something about it.' He tells me, 'How much do you want?' I say, '$650.' OK, then, go do it.'"
Roberto is 44, bulky, dark-skinned and friendly. His partner, Christian, is 25, unsmiling and hollow-eyed.
"Our contracts are $500 and up, no less," says Christian. "It depends on who the person is. If it's someone powerful, someone who will require more time and more study, it goes up to $2,000. Our clients are bus companies, taxi companies, store owners, lawyers — anyone with money."
Guns For Hire
The sicarios, who live in a world of paranoia, uneasily scan the restaurant, full of happy families with bags full of Christmas presents.
They say there are lots of guns for hire these days. Most, like them, are former police. Both Christian and Roberto say they're married, with children — and they claim their wives don't know what they do.
"We tell them we're auto mechanics," says one, chuckling.
Between them, they figure they've executed maybe two dozen people. And typically, they say they wouldn't just board a bus and shoot whomever has a tattoo. Their work is more methodical. They try to learn everything about the extortionist, then carry the ransom money to the rendezvous, and do the job there.
"It depends on whether or not the person is running away," says Christian. "If he's standing, three or four bullets in the head to make sure the job is done well. You don't want them going to the hospital alive or identifying you."
And does this pair consider themselves to be a death squad?
"Well, yes," says Roberto. "But we're on the side of the people."
Christian adds, with the first smile of the interview, "We're helping Guatemala to clean up all this garbage."
There are those who believe the sicario violence and lynchings are a legacy of Guatemala's 30-year counterinsurgency war, in which great numbers of innocents were slaughtered. Whatever the roots, there are no clear lines between the antagonists.
Gang members hire out to sicarios to finger other gang members.
Sicarios turn into extortionists themselves — committing the same crimes they were paid to stamp out. And the police, instead of arresting the sicarios, have their own death squads. Last month, three national policemen were sentenced to 30 years in prison for executing five youths in a crime-ridden barrio of the capital called El Gallito.
"Guatemala is a very violent country," said a longtime human rights monitor. "This, sadly, is our cultural response: an eye for an eye."
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